{"id":79720,"date":"2024-04-22T15:44:45","date_gmt":"2024-04-22T13:44:45","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/aktuelles.uni-frankfurt.de\/?p=79720"},"modified":"2024-04-22T15:44:46","modified_gmt":"2024-04-22T13:44:46","slug":"the-unreconciled-theorist","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/aktuelles.uni-frankfurt.de\/en\/english\/the-unreconciled-theorist\/","title":{"rendered":"The unreconciled theorist"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

Philipp Felsch\u2019s book Der Philosoph: Habermas und wir<\/em>, discusses contemporary and intellectual history and its relation to the work of a great Frankfurt philosopher. A review by Felix K\u00e4mper<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

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In his new book, cultural scientist and essayist Philipp Felsch paints a philosophical and political portrait of the most important living proponent of Frankfurt School Critical Theory. The 22 sections of Der Philosoph: Habermas und wir<\/em> [The philosopher: Habermas and us] take the reader on a loosely chronological tour of different aspects of Habermas\u2019 work. At times, the text focuses on his public interventions, at others on his teaching and writing style, and often also on intellectual friendships and enmities \u2013 and the transitions from one to the other. While the book does mention some basic theoretical ideas, by shedding light on contemporary political events in Germany, Felsch also looks beyond Habermas as a philosopher. Depending on the angle, he offers readers a flip image describing both the critical theorist\u2019s own intellectual history<\/em> as well as the political history of intellectual thought in Germany, whereby Felsch explains the different aspects like foreign words whose meaning emerges from the context. He writes about combinations of factors without claiming to be exhaustive.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

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An unpretentious thinker<\/h4>\n\n\n\n

Felsch\u2019s previous books focused on Habermas\u2019 antagonists: the French postmodernist authors in The Summer of Theory<\/em> (2015), and those who prepared the way for them in How Nietzsche Came in From the Cold<\/em> (2022). After reading the first section of Der Philosoph: Habermas und wir, however, one gains <\/em>the impression that the author has switched sides. Felsch recalls a visit he paid to Habermas at his house in Starnberg, which left him impressed by the unpretentious manner of this prolific professor of intellectual history. Apart from this initial insight, there is nothing particularly reverential in this portrait. Felsch traces back the reasons for Habermas\u2019 standpoints without adopting a position on them himself. There are only a few places where he allows his own judgment to show through in this analysis of the dual role played by Habermas, \u201cwho like virtually no other philosopher targeted the supratemporally general, while responding as a public intellectual … to a specific historical situation\u201d (17).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Felsch follows this with a successful illustration of how the young Habermas\u2019 desire for a new political start that goes beyond satisfying the yearning for normality in post-war society is linked to his turning away from the philosophy of Heidegger and toward Jewish thinking. Like Theodor W. Adorno, for example, he finds himself living in an \u201cupside-down world\u201d (19) that requires detailed explanation. At the same time, the paths Habermas pursued in his social criticism diverge from those of his teachers. Alongside innovative substantive course changes, he eliminates its suggestive and ethical aspects in order to appear less like a \u201cproducer of world views\u201d (35). Although this style of thought goes down well in New York, in Frankfurt he becomes alienated from the student movement. Habermas, whose \u201cinclination to confrontation and polemics\u201d (55) is directed against what he calls the movement\u2019s bogus revolutionary drive, is considered too moderate and liberal by many \u201968ers.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

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Communication and criticism<\/h4>\n\n\n\n

Habermas makes the crucial academic shift to linguistic philosophy several years later upon becoming director of the Max Planck Institute for the Study of the Scientific-Technical World. The normative reference point in his approach is the ideal speech situation. As Felsch sets out, the idea behind this is not the anticipation of a discourse free of coercion, but the indispensable presupposition of communication. To a certain extent, such an approach could help neutralize the sting in the criticism of insufficient \u201creality content\u201d (72), on which such disparate academics like Ralf Dahrendorf, Robert Spaemann, Niklas Luhmann, Michel Foucault and Dieter Henrich concur. In 1981, Habermas\u2019 considerations culminate in \u201cThe Theory of Communicative Action<\/em>,\u201d which Felsch sees as very informative, and rates as an attempt to take away \u201cthe sovereignty of interpretation\u201d (90) from these conservatives, who view the German Autumn as a reason to agitate against those expressing social criticism. [Editor\u2019s note: The term \u201cGerman Autumn\u201d refers to a series of events in Germany in 1977, including the kidnapping and murder of Hanns Martin Schleyer by members of the Red Army Faction (RAF) and the hijacking of Lufthansa Flight 181 by the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine<\/em>.] Habermas\u2019 diagnosis of a colonialized lifeworld met with strong opposition \u2013 from conservative and liberal contemporaries to Marxists, among whom \u201cthe motif of the state-supporting thinker\u201d (98) became widespread.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Felsch, however, pursues this motif somewhat too enthusiastically. While the idea that Habermas saw the Federal Republic of Germany increasingly as an \u201cepoch-making success story\u201d (76) and as a result relegated the system question may be correct to some extent, saying \u201creconciliation\u201d took place in the 1980s (109), and that Habermas actually saw in this a \u201cconcrete utopia\u201d (161 f.), is a distorted representation. At this point the author succumbs to pure black-and-white thinking that seeks \u201csecurity in the false clarity of dichotomies created by force\u201d \u2013 a type of thinking that Habermas sharply condemns in his 1983 defense of civil disobedience \u201cagainst the authoritarian legalism in the Federal Republic of Germany\u201d.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The remark that his attitude is virtually indistinguishable from the \u201cgesture of a right Hegelian\u201d (172) also constitutes a massive exaggeration. As such, the first chapter of \u201cThis Too a History of Philosophy<\/em>\u201d makes it clear that Habermas is still keeping a healthy distance from transfiguring-reconciliatory types of thinking.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

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Lessons from the past<\/h4>\n\n\n\n

The debate with which Habermas probably made the greatest name for himself in German intellectual history is the Historikerstreit<\/em> (\u201chistorians\u2019 dispute\u201d) over the singularity and significance of the Holocaust for national consciousness. Felsch interprets Habermas\u2019 broadside fired against the revisionist tendencies of some historians as a \u201ccoup\u201d (123) and thus as a shining example of strategic action. This is also the standpoint based on which he analyzes the more recent debate on the effects the violence in the Middle East has had on Germany \u2013 a debate in which Habermas has once again taken up a position. Felsch questions whether the singularity thesis can be reconciled with the principle that the dignity of each human being is of equal value. While it is true that, due to the obligations arising from the crimes against humanity during the Shoah, a wrongly understood singularity and solidarity can lead one to neglect other obligations, this does not have to be the case. Acknowledging the horrors of National Socialism and the mandate to prevent a repetition of Auschwitz does not have to make one blind to other crimes, including those committed by Israeli politicians or the Israeli military. As long as historical responsibility is not reduced to an alibi, there is no apparent reason why it should contradict a universalistic attitude.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The problem of German national consciousness acquired new urgency when the Berlin Wall came down. Habermas, who saw constitutional patriotism as the only safe option, spoke out in favor of \u201can all-German constituent assembly\u201d for reunification (164). To stem future nationalist tendencies, from then on he also appealed for European integration. On both levels, as Felsch correctly points out, he was hoping that deliberation would result in a transformative recursive formation of identity. After considering Habermas\u2019 views on war \u2013 primarily the war in Ukraine \u2013 the portrait ends with another meeting between the two in the fall of last year. The enlightened philosopher\u2019s gloomy contemporary diagnosis reveals just how frustrated he is with current developments. But contrary to Boethius, who sought consolation from philosophy in his dark hours, Habermas does not find theory a good consolation for tragic events.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

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Reflections on contemporary history<\/h4>\n\n\n\n

Der Philosoph: Habermas und wir<\/em> is a lively book that opens up exciting ways of accessing one of the world\u2019s most important philosophers through contemporary history. Although the texts lack some of the personal insights necessary for a popular portrait, the author skillfully compensates this by describing Habermas\u2019 uneasy relations with other intellectuals, including Martin Walser, Karl Heinz Bohrer and Hans Magnus Enzensberger. An interesting alternative examination of Habermas\u2019 correspondence could have focused less on investigating philosophy and more on connections with contemporary history: what were the conditions that facilitated Habermas\u2019 project? Which structures and coworkers did he rely upon for him to develop such prodigious productivity? Here one might consider, for instance, his statement that he required the security of a \u201cbourgeois life-form\u201d so as \u201cto be able to think without too much fear\u201d (105). There are certainly subtler incentives to adapt than fear (as shown not least by Habermas\u2019 postmodern counterpart Foucault). One way or the other, if one takes these insights seriously, the question arises of what one should make of current developments, including the planned reform of the Academic Fixed-Term Contract Act.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

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You can hear more about Der Philosoph: Habermas und wir<\/em> in \u201cBook Talk,\u201d a discussion between the author Philipp Felsch<\/strong> and Martin Saar<\/strong>, Professor of Social Philosophy, which will take place on April\u00a030, 2024, at 6 p.m. in the Eisenhower Room in Campus Westend\u2019s IG Farben Building. The Goethe Lectures Offenbach on the topic of \u201cDemocracy in times of regression\u201d will commence in the Klingspor Museum in Offenbach on May\u00a06, 2024, at 7 p.m. with Rainer Forst<\/strong>, Professor of Political Theory and Philosophy and director of the research center \u201cNormative Orders.\u201d

Felix K\u00e4mper <\/strong>is a research assistant at Goethe University\u2019s \u201cNormative Orders\u201d research center. His work focuses on normative and contemporary diagnostic questions of society\u2019s relationship with the environment. His dissertation bears the title \u201cVernunft und Natur: Kritische Theorie der Gesellschaft und ihrer Umwelt<\/em>\u201d [Reason and nature: a critical theory of society and its environment].<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Philipp Felsch\u2019s book Der Philosoph: Habermas und wir, discusses contemporary and intellectual history and its relation to the work of a great Frankfurt philosopher. 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