{"id":84450,"date":"2025-06-18T08:22:00","date_gmt":"2025-06-18T06:22:00","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/aktuelles.uni-frankfurt.de\/?p=84450"},"modified":"2025-06-17T12:39:53","modified_gmt":"2025-06-17T10:39:53","slug":"erasures-creative-deletion-as-resistance","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/aktuelles.uni-frankfurt.de\/en\/english\/erasures-creative-deletion-as-resistance\/","title":{"rendered":"Erasures: Creative Deletion as Resistance"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

Book bans have long posed a threat to democracy in the U.S. \u2013 not just since Trump. American Studies scholar Heike Sch\u00e4fer examines artistic forms of resistance against the cultural backlash.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Prof.
Prof. Heike Sch\u00e4fer, photo: private<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n\n\n\n

Shortly after taking office, Donald Trump dominated global headlines with his numerous executive orders. Many of them, legal experts suggest, may not stand the test of time \u2013 but a climate of fear and uncertainty has taken hold, especially in the cultural and educational sectors of the U.S. Far-right forces appear emboldened to attack liberal-progressive values and undermine protections for minorities. Professor Heike Sch\u00e4fer, an American Studies scholar and literary theorist at Goethe University Frankfurt, has been closely observing the \u201cculture war\u201d waged by Trump and his allies. Among their favored tactics: banning books to influence literature education in schools. \u201cRight-wing conservative campaigns for book bans began intensifying at the end of Trump\u2019s first term. Since 2021, bans in public libraries and school libraries have skyrocketed. For the 2023\/24 school year alone, the writers\u2019 association PEN America recorded over 10,000 censorship cases and the banning of over 4,200 individual titles. That\u2019s alarming,\u201d Sch\u00e4fer says. \u201cWhat\u2019s especially troubling is that these bans rarely arise from individual complaints \u2013 they’re driven by right-wing conservative lobbying groups like Moms for Liberty, who in a single petition often demand the censorship of hundreds of books. According to the American Library Association [ALA], 72% of all censorship cases are now initiated by these pressure groups. This is highly coordinated. Conservative review websites even provide downloadable material advising how best to file such challenges. ALA found that all 120 titles most frequently targeted for censorship last year appeared on these websites,\u201d she notes. Book bans are now occurring in at least 29 U.S. states, with conservative strongholds like Texas and Florida leading the charge. \u201cThe dangerous part is this: often, as soon as a complaint is filed, books are pulled from circulation until the process concludes \u2013 meaning they become unavailable to readers for months or even years. Even cases that don’t end in an actual ban restrict access. Another goal clearly is also to intimidate librarians into avoiding controversial books preemptively.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/div>\n\n\n\n

Ultraconservative Hatred of Queer Literature<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

So, which books are being targeted by these pressure groups? Primarily young adult literature: stories about queer or non-white protagonists, experiences of racism and exclusion, sexuality, violence, or mental health. \u201cAnything that\u2019s deemed too \u2018woke\u2019 by the ultraconservatives \u2013 anything that deviates from heteronormativity or centers queer people or people of color \u2013 is fair game, \u201cSch\u00e4fer explains. Some of the first targets were autobiographical works like Gender Queer<\/em> by Maia Kobabe and All Boys Aren\u2019t Blue<\/em> by George M. Johnson, which depict queer identity and coming-of-age stories. Conservatives argue that such literature corrupts young readers. But Sch\u00e4fer says it’s really about undoing the democratizing effects of the civil rights movements of the 1950s and \u201960s, as well as later social movements. \u201cThese book bans align with broader right-wing legislative attempts to influence curricula and teaching materials. Their backlash against diversity and inclusion aims to secure cultural dominance and preserve privilege. A well-known example is Florida\u2019s 2022 \u2018Don\u2019t Say Gay\u2019 law, which bans discussions of sexual orientation and gender identity in public schools. Meanwhile, the Trump administration has not only dismantled state diversity and equity programs \u2013 it has also ordered the dissolution of the Institute of Museum and Library Services and furloughed its staff. That\u2019s cut off public libraries and museums from one of their major funding sources, severely impairing their educational work. Although ALA has filed a lawsuit,\u201d Sch\u00e4fer continues, \u201cthe strategy on the other side is to push the boundaries and see how far they can go before the courts intervene.\u201d A judge has now blocked the administration\u2019s order, but the legal battle continues.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Those affected \u2013 parents, students, and literary organizations \u2013 are fighting back with protests, curated \u201cbanned book displays\u201d in bookstores, and the national Banned Books Week. \u201cThese efforts spark vital conversations about artistic and expressive freedom,\u201d Sch\u00e4fer says. \u201cBook bans don\u2019t just raise questions about free speech \u2013 who can say what, where, and who decides they can \u2013 they also concern cultural participation. At their core, they ask: who belongs to the societal majority, and who is excluded?\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

What about the claim that left-liberal cultural politics have also imposed forms of censorship \u2013 and that the right\u2019s \u201cculture war\u201d is a reaction to that? \u201cYou could certainly interpret this as a backlash,\u201d Sch\u00e4fer acknowledges. \u201cBut it\u2019s not about ensuring pluralistic discourse \u2013 it\u2019s about systematically excluding entire perspectives. What we\u2019re seeing is a strategic attack on freedom of expression that once again pushes already marginalized groups to the fringes, attempting to erase them from cultural memory in favor of a right-wing nationalist identity.“\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/div>\n\n\n\n

Artistic Resistance<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

A very different form of protest is emerging where free expression is under fire: in literature, through the technique known as erasures<\/em>. \u201cErasures are literary texts created by deleting parts of an existing text. An author takes a source, crosses out sections, and the remaining words plus the marks of deletion form a new composition. It has roots in 1950s conceptual art, but as a literary form, erasures have flourished since Trump\u2019s first term,\u201d Sch\u00e4fer explains. \u201cBack then, writers began circulating editorially \u2018erased\u2019 versions of Trump\u2019s speeches and executive orders. The form has now entered the mainstream. Examples include Tracy K. Smith\u2019s poetry collection Wade in the Water<\/em> \u2013 who was U.S. Poet Laureate at the time \u2013 and Justin Torres\u2019 queer novel Blackouts<\/em>, which won the 2023 National Book Award for Fiction. I find this form fascinating because it reclaims a tool of censorship \u2013 redaction \u2013 to create resistance literature. Not all erasures are politically motivated, of course; the technique is adaptable for many aesthetic purposes. But right now, many authors use it to confront discrimination and social exclusion \u2013 addressing issues like slavery, persecution, police brutality, and torture. The blanks in the text often symbolize silenced or erased voices in the public discourse. These gaps draw attention to what\u2019s missing \u2013 on the page and in our collective memory \u2013 and make that absence both imaginable and aesthetically tangible.\u201d A striking example is the poem \u201cDeclaration\u201d by African American poet Tracy K. Smith, in which she transforms the Declaration of Independence. In the original, British colonists declare the injustices they\u2019ve suffered under the English king and justify their revolution. In her erasure, Smith reveals the racism of those very revolutionaries and instead gives voice to the enslaved people they oppressed. \u201cThis makes visible how slavery and racism were foundational to the development of American democracy,\u201d Sch\u00e4fer explains.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

As a literary scholar and member of the research group \u201cDemocratic Vistas\u201d, Heike Sch\u00e4fer asks how Western societies can once again come to view democracy as a living cultural practice: \u201cWhat practices do we need to make everyday life more autonomous, equitable, cooperative, and free from repression?\u201d That\u2019s why she\u2019s also interested in practices of dissent in research and teaching. \u201cOriginally, though, my interest in erasures came from elsewhere. I\u2019ve long studied how the material and media forms of literature shape authors\u2019 modes of expression and readers\u2019 interpretations. Erasures are particularly intriguing in this regard \u2013 as physical and conceptual literary objects.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This semester, Sch\u00e4fer is also teaching a seminar on erasures, where students not only analyze literary deletions, but create their own. \u201cIn the first session, we used a 19th-century etiquette book prescribing strict behavior rules for women as the source text. The students immediately enjoyed the idea of striking things out,\u201d she says with a laugh.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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